Travelers’ Rest State Park (Photo Diary)

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For thousands of years, the Indian peoples of western Montana were connected to the rest of the world through an intricate network of trade routes. The natural hub of these routes is Travelers’ Rest which is today operated as a state park.  

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Travelers’ Rest is located at the east end of the Lolo Trail. This trail crosses the Bitterroot Mountains and connected the Salish-speaking people of western Montana to the Nez Perce and other Indian nations in Idaho, Washington, and Oregon.

To the east, the trails led into the buffalo country of the Great Plains, a resource area whose importance increased after the acquisition of the horse in the eighteenth century.

To the north, the trails led into the rich hunting and gathering areas of the Mission and Flathead Valleys and beyond. These areas were rich in camas as well as deer, elk, and caribou. The north trails also connected them with other Salish-speaking groups (Pend d’Oreille, Kalispel, Spokan, Couer d’Alene) and the Kootenai.

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While the site of today’s Travelers’ Rest State Park was an important and frequently used Indian camp site, the designation “Travelers’ Rest” comes from the American explorers Meriwether Lewis and William Clark. In September 1805, the party of American explorers known officially as the Corps of Discovery arrived in the Bitterroot Valley. They had crossed into the valley via the Lost Trail Pass which had been blanketed by the season’s first snow. They were lost and hungry. As was their custom, the Bitterroot Salish (also known as the Flathead) provided the strangers with food and friendship. Indian agent Peter Ronan would later report:

“During the stay of the explorers in the Flathead camp Captain Clarke took unto himself a Flathead woman. One son was the result of this union, and he was baptized after the missionaries came to Bitter Root valley and named Peter Clarke.”

Meriwether Lewis named the creek on which they camped “Travellers’ Rest.” On their return trip the following year, they camped here again. Today it is the only archaeologically verified Lewis and Clark campsite.

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Shown above is the Lewis and Clark campsite with tent frames showing the locations of their tents. As a military expedition, they laid out their camps according to the military manual.

In 1960, Travelers’ Rest was established as a National Historic Landmark in recognition of the site as a critical decision point for the leaders of the Corps of Discovery (also known as the Lewis and Clark Expedition).

Archaeology:

For many years it was thought that the Travelers’ Rest campsite was located at the confluence of Lolo Creek and Bitterroot River, about 1.5 miles east of the current park. In 1996, investigators came to suspect that this location was incorrect. Historical archaeologist Dan Hall used remote sensing equipment to identify places where the magnetic properties of the soil had been altered. In 2002, archaeologists excavated these anomalies and found evidence of the expedition’s latrine and campfire.

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Among the medications which the Corps of Discovery carried with them was Dr. Rush’s Thunderbolts, a powerful purgative that was commonly used by the members of the expedition. The medication contained mercury and thus the feces deposited in the latrine by the members of the expedition also contained mercury, an element not found in American Indian feces. When the archaeologists had the soil from the latrine site analyzed, it revealed mercury vapor.

The charcoal from a hearth site was analyzed using Carbon-14 dating and provided a date range from 1785 to 1855, well within the range of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. The archaeologists also uncovered a military uniform button, a blue glass trade bead, and a spilled piece of lead.

Loop Trail:

Shown below are some photographs taken from the loop trail through the park.

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The 1855 Hell Gate Treaty

When the United States divided Oregon Territory into Washington Territory and Oregon Territory in 1853, western Montana was included in Washington Territory. President Millard Fillmore appointed Isaac I. Stevens as the territorial governor of Washington. Stevens immediately began an aggressive plan to deprive the Indian nations within the territory of title to their lands. Western Montana was not high on his priority list and so he did not arrive there to “negotiate” treaties until 1855.

Governor Stevens considered the western Montana tribes-the Flathead (also called the Bitterroot Salish), the Pend d’Oreilles (also called the Upper Kalispel), and the Kootenai-to be unimportant. His goal was to consolidate them, together with other tribes in eastern Washington Territory, on a single reservation.  

At the treaty council, held near the present-day city of Missoula, the head chief for the Flathead was Victor, the head chief for the Pend d’Oreilles was Alexander, and the head chief of the Kootenai was Michelle. The Pend d’Oreilles chief Big Canoe also played an important role in the negotiations. Stevens insisted that all three tribes be treated as a single nation because he assumed that they were all Salish. He was unaware that the Kootenai are not a Salish-speaking people.

The Kootenai were included in the treaty council because they had one band living on the western shore of Flathead Lake. However, the Kootenai speak a language which is unrelated to the Salish languages of the Flathead, the Pend d’Oreille, and the other tribes in eastern Washington Territory. Not only are they culturally distinct from the other tribes, they did not have a peaceful relationship with the Flathead.

Following the standard practice of American treaty councils, the Americans simply appointed Victor as the head chief over the three tribes. The Americans preferred to deal with a single chief, preferably a puppet dictator whom they could control.

The American plan for a single reservation was not met with enthusiasm. Stevens proposed that the reservation for the three tribes be created in the Jocko Valley, the homeland of the Pend d’Oreilles. However, the Flathead did not want to leave their homeland in the Bitterroot Valley nearly a hundred miles to the south. When Chief Victor refused to sign the treaty until it included provisions for a separate reservation for this people in the Bitterroot Valley, Governor Stevens called him an old woman and a dog. Victor replies:

“I sit quiet and before me you give my land away.”

Chief Alexander, a Christian, favored the treaty as it would give his people an opportunity to learn more about Christianity. He did, however, accuse Governor Stevens of “talking like a Blackfoot.” This was not a compliment.

Red Wolf (Flathead) questioned the wisdom of combining the three tribes and attempted to explain to the Americans that each of the tribes is different. The Americans turned their deaf ears toward his words and continued to act upon their delusion that all Indian cultures were the same.

Big Canoe, a Pend d’Oreilles, pointed out that his people had offered the hand of friendship to the Americans since first contact. He questioned why there was a need for a treaty, saying that treaties were used to settle differences between enemies. While he still offered friendship, he felt that the Americans did not have the right to come into his territory and take away his lands.

While the 1855 Treaty of Hell Gate established what would become the Flathead Reservation in western Montana, it also acknowledged the rights of the Flathead to remain in their homeland in the Bitterroot Valley. According to the treaty, which was theoretically the supreme law under the Constitution, the Bitterroot Valley was to be closed to non-Indian settlement.

As with the other treaties negotiated by Stevens, the Hell Gate Treaty states:

“The exclusive right of taking fish in all the streams running through or bordering the reservation is further secured to said Indians; as also the right of taking fish at all usual and accustomed places … together with the privilege of hunting, gathering roots and berries…”

The assembled chiefs signed the treaty agreement believing that the United States would protect them from Blackfoot raids and that the government would provide them with generous monetary payments and annual appropriations. The chiefs were unfamiliar with American concepts of land ownership and both the treaty and the discussions regarding land ownership were poorly translated.

The Removal of the Flathead Indians

( – promoted by navajo)

During the nineteenth century the United States pursued a policy toward American Indian nations which mandated their removal from their homelands if these homelands were desired by non-Indians. It was not uncommon for this removal to be accomplished through military force and for men, women, children, and elders to be force-marched for hundreds of miles without adequate provisions. Sometimes, the American government forced removal on a single nation several times.

While the most famous removal was the Cherokee Trail of Tears, many other Indians-ranging from the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Creek in the southeast to the Ponca and Cheyenne on the Plains to the Navajo in the Southwest-also went through an often brutal removal process. Often the Indian nations which were removed were friendly toward the United States and had served as American allies. One of the least known removals involves an Indian nation known as the Flathead or Bitterroot Salish of Western Montana.  

In 1855, territorial governor Isaac Stevens met in treaty council with the Bitterroot Salish (Flathead), Pend d’Oreilles, and Kootenai in western Montana. Governor Stevens considered these tribes to be unimportant but wanted to consolidate them, together with other tribes, on a single reservation. While the Flathead and the Pend d’Oreilles were both Salish-speaking tribes with a great deal of cultural similarity, the Kootenai speak an unrelated language and did not have a peaceful relationship with the Flathead. Stevens and the other Americans were unaware, or unconcerned, that the Kootenai were not related to the other tribes.

All of the tribes were friendly with the United States and had not committed any acts of violence against the Americans who intruded into their country. Big Canoe, a Pend d’Oreilles, pointed out that his people had offered the hand of friendship to the Americans since first contact. He questioned why there was a need for a treaty, saying that treaties were used to settle differences between enemies. While he still offered friendship, he felt that the Americans did not have the right to come into his territory and take away his lands.

The Treaty of Hellgate established a reservation for the three tribes, as well as others, in the Jocko Valley. This included the homeland for the Pend d’Oreilles and part of the homeland for one Kootenai band. The homeland for the Flathead, however, was in the Bitterroot Valley, about 100 miles to the south. In the treaty council, the Flathead made it very clear that they did not want to leave their homeland and consequently the treaty closed the Bitterroot Valley to non-Indian settlement.

When Flathead Chief Victor refused to sign the treaty until it included provisions for a separate reservation for his people in the Bitterroot Valley,  Governor Stevens called him an old woman and a dog. Victor replied: “I sit quiet and before me you give my land away.” Governor Stevens ambiguously promised them two reservations, a promise he knew he could not keep.

The treaty promised the tribes that the United States would provide them with provisions as part of the payment for the lands which they ceded. However, it was not uncommon for these provisions to arrive late or not arrive at all.

Following the Civil War, many non-Indians began to invade the Bitterroot Valley and establish farms in spite of the fact that this was prohibited by the 1855 treaty and they did not have title to the land. Soon the squatters began to resent the Flathead farmers and to covet their lands as well. The government refused to honor the treaty and soon took a position that the rights of the recently arrived squatters were superior to those of the Indians who have lived in the valley for thousands of years.

In 1866, the Indian agent for Western Montana called a council with the Flathead to discuss the non-Indian encroachment on their lands. The agent discussed with Chief Victor and about 100 other tribal members the possibility of their removal to the Jocko Reservation about 100 miles to the north. While no solutions were attained, the agent considered the council to be successful.

In 1868, the non-Indian squatters in the Bitterroot Valley met and drew up a petition requesting that the government remove the Flathead from the area. In response, the Flathead met in council to discuss the matter. Chief Ambrose recommended removal. On the other hand, Chief Adolphe reminded the people that Governor Stephens had promised that the Flathead could remain unmolested in the Bitterroot Valley.  

In the meantime, the Indian agents for the Flathead in the Bitterroot Valley reported to the Indian Office on the agricultural potential of the area. They noted that American settlers were moving into the area and recommended to the government that the Flathead be removed.

In 1869, Flathead Chief Victor dictated a letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in which he discussed the problems facing the Flathead in the Bitterroot Valley. He asked for justice for his people.

At the same time that Chief Victor was asking for justice, the petition of the non-Indian settlers in the Bitterroot Valley requesting the removal of the Flathead was forwarded to the Secretary of the Interior. The petition simply argued that it would cost less to remove the Indians than to move the non-Indian squatters out of the area. The squatters, who had settled the land illegally, would have to be paid for their improvements, while the Indians could simply be removed with no concern regarding any improvements or rights to the land.

In response to government concerns, General Alfred Sully, the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Montana Territory, negotiated a new treaty with the Flathead. While Sully favored the removal of the Flathead from the Bitterroot Valley, the Flathead were determined to remain in their homeland. The new treaty, however, permitted both Indians and non-Indians to live in the Bitterroot. The non-Indians objected to the treaty as it allowed the Indians to remain in the Valley. Influential Montana citizens complained, stating that each Indian family should get a farm and all other land be turned over to non-Indian settlers.

Under the new treaty, the Flathead were to have a reduced reservation. The treaty allowed non-Indian squatters to remain in the valley, but required that any new settlers obtain permission from the chiefs and the Indian agent. The treaty also promised each Indian family a wooden house and a farm wagon for every two families. The Flathead retained their right to hunt, fish, and gather in any reservation area not fenced. The treaty was signed by chiefs Victor, Arlee, and Joseph.

Non-Indians throughout Montana condemned the treaty. The prevailing attitude among non-Indians was that no land should be retained by Indians. As a result, the treaty was not ratified by the U.S. Senate.

In 1870, the non-Indian settlers ignored the treaty with the Flathead and asked the government to evict the Flathead. There were now more than a thousand Americans in the Bitterroot. Chief Charlo insisted that the Flathead had never relinquished their rights to the valley.

At this time most of the Flathead in the Bitterroot Valley were engaged in agriculture. Their farms produced 5,000 bushels of wheat, 650 bushels of potatoes, and 60 bushels of corn. With regard to livestock, they had 600 head of cattle, 100 hogs, and about 1,100 horses. They were seen as more agricultural than other tribes.

In 1871, seven Flathead chiefs met with Father Jerome D’Aste and dictated a letter to President Ulysses S. Grant concerning the situation in the Bitterroot Valley. The chiefs were concerned about non-Indian settlement as well as the growing liquor trade which the non-Indians promoted.

In response to the concerns regarding the non-Indian settlement in the Bitterroot Valley,  President Grant authorized the eviction of the Flathead from their homeland. James A. Garfield was then sent to persuade Chief Charlo to move to the reservation. Grant’s action was based on reports that only a handful of Indians-some reports cited only three Indian farms in the valley-were holding up the development of a fertile valley.

The following year, Congressman (and later President) James A. Garfield visited the Bitterroot Valley to negotiate the withdrawal of the Flathead from the valley and their resettlement on the Jocko (Flathead) Reservation. The Flathead were reluctant to enter into a new agreement since none of the provisions of their 1855 Treaty of Hellgate had been carried out by the government.

Two sub-chiefs, Arlee and Adolph, signed the agreement, but Chief Charlo refused to sign. Everyone  who was at the council witnessed his refusal. His signature is not on the original on file in the Department of the Interior; neither did it appear on the duplicate left with the Indians.

Somehow, as if by magic, Charlo’s mark appeared on the document. When Charlo complained about the blatant forgery, the United States simply appointed Arlee as the head chief, ignoring the fact that Arlee was not Flathead, but Nez Perce. When confronted with the evidence of the blatant forgery, Garfield claimed that he had reported the document signed because he thought that Charlo would agree and sign it once he saw that his people were actually being moved. The Flathead Culture Committee would later report:

“This apparent fraud caused the Chieftain (Charlo) to become further embittered against the whiteman who had taken his country and was making a strange life for him.”

The two sub-chiefs selected the Jocko Valley as the future home of the Flathead. This location was not particularly favorable for agriculture, but it offered other advantages which seemed more important to the Indians. These advantages included good pasture, running streams and an abundance of timber.

In 1873, a report on the Flathead in the Bitterroot Valley found that most of the non-Indian settlers in the area advocated the removal of the Indians to the Flathead Reservation. However, the report found little evidence of any crimes committed by the Flathead against the non-Indians.

In 1877, the Flathead friendship with the Americans was reaffirmed. During the Nez Perce War, Chief Looking Glass led his people into the Bitterroot Valley seeking refuge from the American army with their old friends and allies. When Looking Glass met with Flathead Chief Charlo, he extended his hand in friendship, but Charlo refused it. Charlo told him:  

“Why should I shake hands with men whose hands are bloody? My hands are clean of blood.”

The Flathead refused to assist the Nez Perce and cast their lot with the Americans.  Flathead Chief Charlo told the Nez Perce: ”

“If you kill any of my people or the white people, or disturb any of the property belonging to my people or the white people in my country, I will fight you.”

Chief Charlo visited Washington, D.C. in 1883. Charlo refused the gifts of the government which wanted his band to move from their ancient home in the Bitterroot to the Jocko (Flathead) Reservation. Finally, the Secretary of the Interior told him that his people could continue to live in the Valley as long as they lived in peace with the American settlers.

After meeting with Charlo, Senator George Vest concluded:

“In any event, deeply as we sympathize with these people, and deplore the manner in which Charlo has been treated, we are satisfied that the welfare of both the whites and the Indians in the Bitterroot Valley absolutely demands the removal of the latter to the Jocko reservation. Their presence in the valley is a continued source of danger and disgust.”

The following year, the Flathead make another attempt to get the federal government to listen to their side of the controversy. A delegation of Flathead chiefs-Charlo, Antoine Moise, John Hill, Abel-traveled to Washington, D.C. to meet with government officials about their removal from the Bitterroot Valley. Charlo indicated that his people were free to move if they so desired.

In 1884, a group of 18 families from Moiese’s Bitterroot Salish (Flathead) band moved to the Jocko Reservation where they were given houses.

In 1889, a drought wiped out the farms of the Flathead and their non-Indian neighbors in the Bitterroot Valley. With this disaster, Chief Charlo agreed to move his Flathead band to the reservation in the Jocko Valley.

“I will go. I and my children. My young men are becoming bad. They have no place to hunt. My women are hungry. For their sake I will go.”

To support their decision to move, the government promised to provide the Flathead with food. The government’s promised supplies did not arrive and starvation set in.

In 1891, Charlo’s band of Flathead are finally moved from the Bitterroot Valley to the reservation in the Jocko Valley. Charlo had been told that if he did not give up his lands and move that the soldiers would come for him. Finally, Charlo called his people together. They prayed together and then he announced that they would go. Several days later following an all night feast, the Salish assembled at dawn, loaded horses and wagons and started for the Jocko Reservation.

The Salish were well-received by the other Indians on the reservation. However, the government failed to provide the promised houses for those who made the move.